Alexander vs. Darius
The Battle of Issus 333 BC
by Jeff Jonas
Part I: The Campaign and Battle Part II: The Battle as a Wargame
Part III:
Duncan Head's analysis and sources Part IV: Sources and references
Part IV Sources and References
http://unx1.shsu.edu/~his_ncp/ArriCamp.html
[Arrian, The Anabasis of Alexander, together
with the Indica, E. J. Chinnock, tr. (London: George Bell and Sons, 1893), bk II, 6-14]
6. While he was still at Mallus, he was informed that Darius was encamped with all his
force at
7. Darius crossed the mountain range by what are called the Amanic Gates, and advancing
towards
8. Alexander then ordered his soldiers to take their dinner, and having sent a few of
his horsemen and archers forward to the Gates to recon noitre the road in the rear, he
took the whole of his army and marched in the night to occupy the pass again. When about
But as soon as Darius was certified of Alexander's approach for battle, he conveyed
about 30,000 of his cavalry and with them 20,000 of his light-armed infantry across the
river Pinarus, in order that he might be able to draw up the rest of his forces with ease.
Of the heavy armed infantry, he placed first the 30,000 Greek mercenaries to oppose the
phalanx of the Macedonians, and on both sides of these he placed 60,000 of the men called
Cardaces, who were also heavy-armed infantry. For the place where they were posted was
able to contain only this number in a single phalanx. He also posted 20,000 men near the
mountain on their left and facing Alexander's right. Some of these troops were also in the
rear of Alexander's army; for the mountain near which they were posted in one part sloped
a great way back and formed a sort of bay, like a bay in the sea, and afterwards bending
forwards caused the men who had been posted at the foot of it to be behind Alexander's
right wing. The remaining multitude of Darius's light-armed and heavy-armed infantry was
marshalled by nations to an unserviceable depth and placed behind the Grecian mercenaries
and the Persian army arranged in phalanx. The whole of the army with Darius was said to
number about 600,000 fighting men.
As Alexander advanced, he found that the ground spread out a little in breadth, and he
accordingly brought up his horsemen, both those called Companions, and the Thessalians as
well as the Macedonians, and posted them with himself on the right wing. The
Peloponnesians and the rest of the allied force of Greeks he sent to Parmenio on the left.
When Darius had marshalled his phalanx, by a pre-concerted signal he recalled the cavalry
which he had posted in front of the river for the express purpose of rendering the
arranging of his army easy. Most of these he placed on the right wing near the sea facing
Parmenio; because here the ground was more suitable for the evolutions of cavalry. A
certain part of them also he led up to the mountain towards the left. But when they were
seen to be useless there on account of the narrowness of the ground, he ordered most of
these also to ride round to the right wing and join their comrades there. Darius himself
occupied the centre of the whole army, inasmuch as it was the custom for the kings of
9. Meantime when Alexander perceived that nearly all the Persian cavalry had changed
their ground and gone to his left towards the sea, and that on his side only the
Peloponnesians and the rest of the Grecian cavalry were posted there, he sent the
Thessalian cavalry thither with speed, ordering them not to ride along before the front of
the whole array, lest they should be seen by the enemy to be shifting their ground, but to
proceed without being seen in the rear of the phalanx. In front of the cavalry on the
right, he posted the lancers under the command of Protomachus, and the Paeonians under
that of Aristo; and of the infantry, the archers under the direction of Antiochus, and the
Agrianians under that of Attalus. Some of the cavalry and archers also he drew up so as to
form an angle with the centre towards the mountain which was in the rear; so that on the
right, his phalanx had been drawn up separated into two wings, the one fronting Darius and
the main body of Persians beyond the river, and the other facing those who had been posted
at the mountain in their rear. On the left wing the infantry consisting of the Cretan
archers and the Thracians under command of Sitalces were posted in front; and before these
the cavalry towards the left. The Grecian mercenaries were drawn up as a reserve for all
of them. (Jeffnote: The Penquin edition translates these troops
as "foreign" troops not Greeks) When he perceived that the phalanx
towards the right was too thin, and it seemed likely that the Persians would outflank him
here considerably, he ordered two squadrons of the Companion cavalry, the Anthemusian, of
which Peroedas, son of Menestheus, was captain, and that which was called Leugaean, under
the command of Pantordanus, son of Cleander, to proceed from the centre to the right
without being seen. Having also marched the archers, part of the Agrianians and some of
the Grecian mercenaries up to his right in the front, he extended his phalanx beyond the
wing of the Persians. But when those who had been posted upon the mountains did not
descend, a charge was made by a few of the Agrianians and archers at Alexander's order, by
which they were easily put to the rout from the foot of the mountain. As they fled to the
summit he decided that he could make use of the men who had been drawn up to keep these in
check, to fill up the ranks of his phalanx. He thought it quite sufficient to post 300
horsemen to watch the men on the mountain.
10. Having thus marshalled his men, he caused them to rest for some time, and then led
them forward, as he had resolved that their advance should be very slow. For Darius was no
longer leading the foreigners against him, as he had arranged them at first, but he
remained in his position, upon the bank of the river, which was in many parts steep and
precipitous; and in certain places, where it seemed more easy to ascend, he extended a
stockade along it. By this it was at once evident to Alexander's men that Darius had
become cowed in spirit. But when the armies were at length close to each other, Alexander
rode about in every direction to exhort his troops to show their valour, mentioning with
befitting epithets the names, not only of the generals, but also those of the captains of
cavalry and infantry, and of the Grecian mercenaries as many as were more distinguished
either by reputation or any deed of valour. From all sides arose a shout not to delay but
to attack the enemy. At first he still led them on in close array with measured step,
although he had the forces of Darius already in distant view, lest by a too hasty march
any part of the phalanx should fluctuate from the line and get separated from the rest.
But when they came within range of darts, Alexander himself and those around him, being
posted on the right wing, dashed first into the river with a run, in order to alarm the
Persians by the rapidity of their onset, and by coming sooner to close conflict to avoid
being much injured by the archers. And it turned out just as Alexander had conjectured;
for as soon as the battle became a hand-to-hand one, the part of the Persian army
stationed on the left wing was put to rout; and here Alexander and his men won a brilliant
victory. But the Grecian mercenaries serving under Darius attacked the Macedonians at the
point where they saw their phalanx especially disordered. For the Macedonian phalanx had
been broken and had disjoined towards the right wing, because Alexander had dashed into
the river with eagerness, and engaging in a hand-to-hand conflict was already driving back
the Persians posted there; but the Macedonians in the centre had not prosecuted their task
with equal eagerness; and finding many parts of the bank steep and precipitous, they were
unable to preserve the front of the phalanx in the same line. Here then the struggle was
desperate; the Grecian mercenaries of Darius fighting in order to push the Macedonians
back into the river, and regain the victory for their allies who were already flying; the
Macedonians struggling in order not to fall short of Alexander's success, which was
already manifest, and not to tarnish the glory of the phalanx, which up to that time had
been commonly pro claimed invincible. Moreover the feeling of rivalry which existed
between the Grecian and Macedonian races inspired each side in the conflict. Here fell
Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, after proving himself a valiant man, besides about 120 other
Macedonians of no mean repute.
11. Hereupon the regiments on the right wing, perceiving that the Persians opposed to
them had already been put to rout, wheeled round towards the Grecian mercenaries of Darius
and their own hard-pressed detachment. Having driven the Greeks away from the river, they
extended their phalanx beyond the Persian army on the side which had been broken, and
attacking the Greeks on the flank, were already beginning to cut them up. However the
Persian cavalry which had been posted opposite the Thessalians did not remain on the other
side of the river during the struggle, but came through the water and made a vigorous
attack upon the Thessalian squadrons. In this place a fierce cavalry battle ensued; for
the Persians did not give way until they perceived that Darius had fled and the Grecian
mercenaries had been cut up by the phalanx and severed from them. Then at last there
ensued a decided flight and on all sides. The horses of the Persians suffered much injury
in the retreat, because their riders were heavily armed; and the horsemen themselves,
being so many in number and retreating in panic terror without any regard to order along
narrow roads, were trampled on and injured no less by each other than by the pursuing
enemy. The Thessalians also followed them up with vigour, so that the slaughter of the
cavalry in the flight was no less than it would have been if they had been infantry.
But as soon as the left wing of Darius was terrified and routed by Alexander, and the
Persian king perceived that this part of his army was severed from the rest, without any
further delay he began to flee in his chariot along with the first, just as he was. He was
conveyed safely in the chariot as long as he met with level ground in his flight; but when
he lighted upon ravines and other rough ground, he left the chariot there, divesting
himself both of his shield and Median mantle. He even left his bow in the chariot; and
mounting a horse continued his flight. The night, which came on soon after, alone rescued
him from being captured by Alexander; for as long as there was daylight the latter kept up
the pursuit at full speed. But when it began to grow dark and the things before the feet
became invisible, he turned back again to the camp, after capturing the chariot of Darius
with the shield, the Median mantle, and the bow in it. For his pursuit had been too slow
for him to overtake Darius, because, though he wheeled round at the first breaking asunder
of the phalanx, yet he did not turn to pursue him until he observed that the Grecian
mercenaries and the Persian cavalry had been driven away from the river.
Of the Persians were killed Arsames, Rheomithres, and Atizyes, three of the men who had
commanded the cavalry at the Granicus. Sabaces, viceroy of
12. The next day, Alexander, though suffering from a wound which he had received in the
thigh from a sword, visited the wounded, and having collected the bodies of the slain, he
gave them a splendid burial with all his forces most brilliantly marshalled in order of
battle. He also spoke with eulogy to those whom he himself had recognized performing any
gallant deed in the battle, and also to those whose exploits he had learnt by report fully
corroborated. He likewise honoured each of them individually with a gift of money in
proportion to his desert. He then appointed Balacrus, son of Nicanor, one of the royal
body-guards, vice
Nor did he treat the mother, wife, and children of Darius with neglect; for some of
those who have written Alexander's history say that on the very night in which he returned
from the pursuit of Darius, entering the Persian king's tent, which had been selected for
his use, he heard the lamentation of women and other noise of a similar kind not far from
the tent. Inquiring therefore who the women were, and why they were in a tent so near, he
was answered by some one as follows, "O king, the mother, wife, and children of
Darius are lamenting for him as slain, since they have been informed that you have his bow
and his royal mantle, and that his shield has been brought back." When Alexander
heard this, he sent Leonnatus, one of his Companions, to them, with injunctions to tell
them, "Darius is still alive; in his flight he left his arms and mantle in the
chariot; and these are the only things of his that Alexander has." Leonnatus entered
the tent and told them the news about Darius, saying, moreover, that Alexander would allow
them to retain the state and retinue befitting their royal rank, as well as the title of
queens; for he had not undertaken the war against Darius from a feeling of hatred, but he
had conducted it in a legitimate manner for the empire of Asia. Such are the statements of
Ptolemy and Aristobulus. But there is another report, to the effect that on the following
day Alexander himself went into the tent, accompanied alone by Hephaestion one of his
Companions. The mother of Darius, being in doubt which of them was the king (for they had
both arrayed themselves in the same style of dress), went up to Hephaestion, because he
appeared to her the taller of the two, and prostrated herself before him. But when he drew
back, and one of her attendants pointed out Alexander, saying he was the king, she was
ashamed of her mistake, and was going to retire. But the king told her she had made no
mistake, for Hephaestion was also Alexander. This I record neither being sure of its truth
nor thinking it altogether unreliable. If it really occurred, I commend Alexander for his
compassionate treatment of the women, and the confidence he felt in his companion, and the
honour bestowed on him; but if it merely seems probable to historians that Alexander would
have acted and spoken thus, even for this reason I think him worthy of commendation.
http://luna.cas.usf.edu/~murray/classes/aa/source14.htm
THE
Callisthenes, FGrHist.
124, F. 35 (= Polybius 12.17-22)
12.17 (1) In order that I may not seem to insist arbitrarily on the
acceptance of my criticism of such famous writers, I will take one battle and a very
celebrated one, a battle which took place at no very distant date and, what is most
important, one at which Callisthenes himself was present. (2) I mean Alexander's
battle with Darius in
12.18 (1)
It is difficult to understand how they posted all these troops in front of the phalanx,
considering that the river ran close past the camp, especially in view of their numbers,
(2) for as Callisthenes himself says, there were thirty thousand cavalry and thirty
thousand mercenaries.
. . .
(6) Where, then, were the mercenaries posted, unless indeed they were drawn up behind the
cavalry? (7) This he tells us was not so, as they were the first to meet the
Macedonian attack. We must, then, of necessity, understand that the cavalry occupied
that half of the space which was nearest to the sea and the mercenaries the half nearest
the hills, (8) and from this it is easy to reckon what was the depth of the 9 cavalry and
how far away from the camp the river must have been. After this he tells us that on
the approach of the enemy, Darius, who was half way down the line, called the mercenaries
himself from the wing to come to him.
. . .
(11) Lastly, he says that the cavalry from the right wing advanced and attacked
Alexander's cavalry, who received their charge bravely and delivering a counter
charge fought stubbornly. (12) He forgets that there was a river between them and such a
river as he has just described.
12.19 (1)
Very similar are his statements about Alexander. He says that when he crossed to
20 (1)
After this he says that Alexander led on his army in an extended line, being then at
a dis-
tance of about forty stades from the enemy. (2) It is difficult to conceive of
anything more absurd than this. Where, especially in
[The
obstacles against this as a possibility are too numerous to mention. Callisthenes
himself provides us with proof of this.]
(4) For he
tells us that the torrents descending from the mountains have formed so many clefts in the
plain that most of the Persians in their flight perished in such fissures. But, it
may be said, Alexander wished to be prepared for the appearance of the enemy [and the
formation described by Callisthenes is not a reasonable preparation]. . .
(8) But
other things apart, Alexander did not even, according to Callisthenes, send his cavalry
out in front when advancing in line over flat ground, but apparently placed them alongside
the infantry.
17.21
[Chapter 21 enumerates other "mistakes" resulting from the depth of Alexander's
phalanx reported by Callisthenes.]
17.22 (1)
It would be too long a story to mention all the other absurdities of his narrative, and it
will suffice to point out a few. (2) He tells us that Alexander in drawing up his
army was most anxious to be opposed to Darius in person, and that Darius also at first
entertained the same wish, but afterwards changed his mind. . . .
(4) How,
we ask, did a phalanx of heavy-armed men manage to mount the bank of a river which was
steep and overgrown with brambles? . . . (5) Such an absurdity cannot be attributed
to Alexander [(6) who everyone agrees knew what he was doing]. . . We should rather
attribute it to the writer, who is so ignorant as to be unable to distinguish the possible
from the impossible in such matters.
[trans. W.R. Paton, LCL]
Diodorus
Siculus: The
Diod. 17.32-36
17.32 [Chapter 32: A. learned that D. was only a few days march away,
and sent Parmenion to seize the Syrian Gates. D. sent his baggage train to
17.33
[Chapter 33: When A's scouts reported that D. was only 30 stades away (c. 4 miles), and
advancing with his army in battle formation, A. understood that this was his chance
"to destroy the Persian power in a single victory." He set the cavalry
along the front of the phalanx and himself took command of the right wing along with the
best of the mounted troops. The Thessalian cavalry was on the left. First
there was a volley of missiles between the two armies. Trumpets sounded attack and
the two armies engaged.]
(5)
Alexander cast his glance in all directions in his anxiety to see Darius, and as soon as
he had identified him, he drove hard with his cavalry at the king himself, wanting not so
much to defeat the Persians as to win the victory with his own hands. (6) By now the
rest of the cavalry on both sides was engaged and many were killed as the battle raged
indecisively because of the unevenly matched fighting qualities of the two sides. . . .
17.34
[Chapter 34: The strategy of Alexander and his closest companions was to strike the king,
and this was what they tried to do. The officers of each side fought valiantly.
Many men were killed, many were wounded. Alexander was wounded in the thigh.
When Darius' horses, terrified by the killing around them, almost bolted forward,
Darius changed into a second chariot. At this point he was seized with terror and
turned with many of his men to flee. Most of his cavalry managed to escape to
friendly cities.]
(9) Now
the macedonian phalanx and the Persian infantry were engaged only briefly, for the rout of
the cavalry had been, as it were, a prelude of the whole victory. Soon, all of the
Persians were in retreat and as so many tens of thousands were making their escape through
narrow passes the whole countryside was soon covered with bodies.
17.35
[Chapter 35: The Macedonians now turned to plunder and gained control of much gold and
treasure from the Persian camp. Many Persian women were also captured.]
17.36
[Chapter 36: It was a pitiful sight to see these women, who had been born to high station,
herded off as captives. Particularly pitiful was the family of Darius--his mother,
wife, two daughters of marriageable age, and a son 6 yrs. old. The royal pages took
over Darius' tent and prepared everything so that, upon his return from the pursuit, he
could assume Darius' property as a sort of omen for his conquest of
(6) In the
course of the battle there died on the Persian side more than 100,000 infantry and not
less than 10,000 cavalry; on the Macedonian side, the casualties were 300 infantry and 150
cavalry. This was the conclusion of the battle at Issus of Cilicia.
[Note on casualties: Persian casualties--these same figures are given by Curtius 3.11.27, Plutarch Alex. 20.5, and Arrian 2.11.8; Justin 11.9.10 gives 61,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry killed and 40,000 captured. Macedonian casualties--Curtius 3.11.27 gives 4500 wounded, 302 missing, 150 killed; Justin 11.9.10 gives 130 infantry killed and 150 cavalry; Arrian 2.10.7 says that 120 Macedonians were killed.]
http://www.livius.org/aj-al/alexander/alexander_t51.html
The translation of section 17.34 of the World history was made by C.
Bradford Welles.
The Persian Oxyathres was the brother of Darius and a man highly
praised for his fighting qualities. When he saw Alexander riding at Darius and feared that
he would not be checked, he was seized by the desire to share his brother's fate. Ordering
the best of the horsemen in his company to follow him, he threw himself with them against
Alexander, thinking that this demonstration of brotherly love would bring him high renown
among the Persians. He took up the fight directly in front of Darius's chariot and there,
engaging the enemy skillfully and with a stout heart slew many of them. The fighting
qualities of Alexander's group were superior, however, and quickly many bodies lay piled
high about the chariot. No Macedonian had any other thought than to strike the king, and
in their intense rivalry to reach him took no thought for their own lives.
Many of the noblest Persian princes perished in this struggle, among them Atizyes and
Rheomithres and Sabaces, the satrap of Egypt. Many of the Macedonians fell also, and
Alexander was wounded in the thigh, for the enemy pressed about him.
The horses which were harnessed to the yoke of
Darius's chariot were covered by wounds and terrified by the piles of dead about them.
They refused to answer to their bridles, and came close to carrying off Darius into the
midst of the enemy, but the king himself, in extreme peril, caught up the reigns, being
forced to throw away the dignity of his position and to violate the ancient custom of the
Persian kings. A second chariot was brought up by Darius's attendants and in the confusion
-as he changed over to it in the face of constant attack- he fell into a panic terror.
Seeing their king in this state, the Persians with him turned to flee.
http://www.1stmuse.com/frames/
There was at this time in Darius's army a Macedonian refugee, named
Amyntas, one who was pretty well acquainted with Alexander's character. This man, when he
saw Darius intended to fall upon the enemy in the passes and defiles, advised him
earnestly to keep where he was, in the open and extensive plains, it being the advantage
of a numerous army to have field-room enough when it engaged with a lesser force. Darius,
instead of taking his counsel, told him he was afraid the enemy would endeavour to run
away, and so Alexander would escape out of his hands. "That fear," replied
Amyntas, "is needless, for assure yourself that far from avoiding you, he will make
all the speed he can to meet you, and is now most likely on his march toward you."
But Amyntas's counsel was to no purpose, for Darius immediately decamping, marched into
Nothing was wanting to complete this victory, in which he overthrew
above an hundred and ten thousand of his enemies, but the taking the person of Darius, who
escaped very narrowly by flight. However, having taken his chariot and his bow, he
returned from pursuing him, and found his own men busy in pillaging the barbarians' camp,
which (though to disburden themselves they had left most of their baggage at Damascus) was
exceedingly rich. But Darius's tent, which was full of splendid furniture and quantities
of gold and silver, they reserved for Alexander himself, who, after he had put off his
arms, went to bathe himself saying, "Let us now cleanse ourselves from the toils of
war in the bath of Darius." "Not so," replied one of his followers,
"but in Alexander's rather; for the property of the conquered is and should be called
the conqueror's." Here, when he beheld the bathing vessels, the water-pots, the pans,
and the ointment boxes, all of gold curiously wrought, and smelt the fragrant odours with
which the whole place was exquisitely perfumed, and from thence passed into a pavilion of
great size and height, where the couches and tables and preparations for an entertainment
were perfectly magnificent, he turned to those about him and said, "This, it seems,
is royalty."
But as he was going to supper, word was brought him that Darius's
mother and wife and two unmarried daughters, being taken among the rest of the prisoners,
upon the sight of his chariot and bow, were all in mourning and sorrow, imagining him to
be dead. After a little pause, more lively affected with their affliction than with his
own success, he sent Leonnatus to them, to let them know Darius was not dead, and that
they need not fear any harm from Alexander, who made war upon him only for dominion; they
should themselves be provided with everything they had been used to receive from Darius.
This kind message could not but be very welcome to the captive ladies, especially being
made good by actions no less humane and generous. For he gave them leave to bury whom they
pleased of the Persians, and to make use for this purpose of what garments and furniture
they thought fit out of the booty. He diminished nothing of their equipage, or of the
attentions and respect formerly paid them, and allowed larger pensions for their
maintenance than they had before. But the noblest and most royal part of their usage was,
that he treated these illustrious prisoners according to their virtue and character, not
suffering them to hear, or receive, or so much as to apprehend anything that was
unbecoming. So that they seemed rather lodged in some temple, or some holy virgin
chambers, where they enjoyed their privacy sacred and uninterrupted, than in the camp of
an enemy. Nevertheless Darius's wife was accounted the most beautiful princess then
living, as her husband the tallest and handsomest man of his time, and the daughters were
not unworthy of their parents. But Alexander, esteeming it more kingly to govern himself
than to conquer his enemies, sought no intimacy with any one of them, nor indeed with any
other women before marriage, except Barsine, Memnon's widow, who was taken prisoner at
Damascus. She had been instructed in the Grecian learning, was of a gentle temper, and by
her father, Artabazus, royally descended, with good qualities, added to the solicitations
and encouragement of Parmenio, as Aristobulus tells us, made him the more willing to
attach himself to so agreeable and illustrious a woman. Of the rest of the female
captives, though remarkably handsome and well proportioned, he took no further notice than
to say jestingly that Persian women were terrible eyesores. And he himself, retaliating,
as it were, by the display of the beauty of his own temperance and self-control, bade them
be removed, as he would have done so many lifeless images. When Philoxenus, his lieutenant
on the sea-coast, wrote to him to know if he would buy two young boys of great beauty,
whom one Theodorus, a Tarentine, had to sell, he was so offended that he often
expostulated with his friends what baseness Philoxenus had ever observed in him that he
should presume to make him such a reproachful offer. And he immediately wrote him a very
sharp letter, telling him Theodorus and his merchandise might go with his good-will to
destruction. Nor was he less severe to Hagnon, who sent him word he would buy a Corinthian
youth named Crobylus, as a present for him. And hearing that Damon and Timotheus, two of
Parmenio's Macedonian soldiers, had abused the wives of some strangers who were in his
pay, he wrote to Parmenio, charging him strictly, if he found them guilty, to put them to
death, as wild beasts that were only made for the mischief of mankind. In the same letter
he added, that he had not so much as seen or desired to see the wife of Darius, nor
suffered anybody to speak of her beauty before him. He was wont to say that sleep and the
act of generation chiefly made him sensible that he was mortal; as much as to say, that
weariness and pleasure proceed both from the same frailty and imbecility of human nature.
Topography:
http://www.nationmaster.com/encyclopedia/Alexandretta%2C-Syria
Updated:
Alexandretta, or Iskanderun (med.
Scanderoon), is a town of southeast Turkey (claimed also by
Iskanderun preserves the name, but probably not the exact site, of Alexandria ad Issum,
founded by Alexander the Great
in 333 BC, about 23 miles south
of the scene of his victory, to supersede Myriandrus as key of the Syrian Gates (Beilan
Pass). The importance of the place ever since has been derived from its relation to this
pass, the easiest approach to the open ground of Hatay and Northern Syria; and this relation has
prevailed over the extreme unhealthiness of the site, which lies on marshy deltaic ground,
screened by the horseshoe of Elma Dagh from all purifying influences of north and east
winds. As the main outlet for the overland trade from Baghdad and India, whose importance was
great until the establishment of the Egyptian overland route, the
place was a great resort, first of Genoese and Venetian merchants, then of
those of West and North European nations. The British Levant (
The health of the place has improved with the draining of the marshes and the provision of
a better supply of water, but still leaves much to be desired. The wealthier inhabitants
have summer residences at Beilan near the summit of the pass, long a stronghold of
freebooting Dere Beys and the scene of the victory won by Ibrahim Pasha in 1832, which opened Cilicia to his advance. The
distance by road to
(from an old encyclopedia)
Alexandretta became prominent in recent popular culture when named as the location of the Grail shrine in Steven Spielberg's Indiana
Jones and the Last Crusade; the location actually shown in the film, however, was
based on Petra, in Jordan.
Category:
Battle of
http://www.pothos.org/alexander.asp?ParaID=95#issus
http://www.oznet.net/iran/cover.htm
http://www.livius.org/a/turkey/issus/issus.html
"Issus"
Mosaic
http://sights.seindal.dk/sight/1098_Mosaic_of_the_Battle_of_Issus.html
Upset at
01/20/07